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Langston For iowa senate for district 17

I welcome you to the Langston for State Senate official campaign. I am the 2026 Republican candidate for Iowa State Senate District 17. 
I offers my decades of experience at the state and federal levels of government and in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors. I am committed to working across party lines to ensure Iowa remains a place where families can build stable, healthy futures. 
My leadership approach is grounded in civility, cooperation, and practical problem solving.

A Commitment to Public Service

I will utilized my broad experience at the federal, state, and local levels of government. I believe it's important to listening first, building common ground, and delivering measurable results. I believe people want a government to solves real problems, protects individual rights, and respects taxpayers. 
My focus is on transparency, integrity, and practical solutions.
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Iowa and Senate District 17

In Senate District 17, families are feeling the rising costs of basic products, the financial pressure on public schools, the strain of providing affordable healthcare, and the rising cost of housing. These are consistent themes across the district; people are looking for leaders who can deliver results and treat them with respect.

Key Issues

Access to affordable, accessible healthcare services.

Healthcare

Funds for public schools serving a diverse educational community.

Education

Support for first-time homeowners, restoration and preservation of century housing, and the character of historic neighborhoods.

Housing

Job creation through entrepreneurship and economic development.

Jobs and Economy

The Solution

My priority plans are straightforward: lower daily living costs, strengthen public schools, protect access to affordable healthcare, expand housing options, and maintain safe neighborhoods to help establish Senate District 17 as an economic development and entrepreneurial center. Trust is earned, and as your future state senator, Ron vows to be accessible, responsive, and accountable in showing up, following through, and delivering positive changes for Senate District 17.
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Ron wants to be of service to Senate District 17, one of the most economically, politically, and socially diverse, multicultural, and densely populated districts in the state of Iowa. With bipartisanship as his core value, Ron wants Independents and Republicans to join him in his vision to “Work Together, Unite for Good.” At the same time, he especially needs Democrats to believe in and have confidence in him since he also wants to represent their values and priorities.

Serving the People

People raise miniature American flags

Burke, Disraeli, and the Lost Art of Conservative Balance

Sam Tanenhaus argues in The Death of Conservatism that the American Right fractured when it abandoned an older conservative tradition rooted in Edmund Burke and his political heirs. Burke articulated a conservatism defined not by ideology but by prudence, historical continuity, and a deep suspicion of abstract political systems. Burkean conservatism found its most important practical expression in Benjamin Disraeli, whom Tanenhaus treats—often implicitly—as the crucial missing link between Burkean theory and conservative governance. Together, Burke and Disraeli exemplify a conservatism defined by balance rather than doctrine. Burke’s conservatism rested not on a fixed body of doctrines but on a distrust of ideology itself. He warned against totalizing political schemes and the destabilizing effects of political extremism. As he famously observed, “A state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation.” For Burke, governing required maintaining an equilibrium between preservation and correction—often through compromise, sometimes between competing goods, and at times between lesser evils. In such a framework, ideological purism and political absolutism had no constructive role. While Burke articulated the philosophical foundations of this non-ideological conservatism, Disraeli translated them into a governing strategy suited to an industrial and democratic age. Like Burke, Disraeli rejected ideological rigidity, insisting that political stability depended on adapting inherited institutions to changing social conditions rather than defending them unchanged. His conservatism was practical rather than theoretical, oriented toward sustaining social cohesion under the pressures of mass politics. Disraeli’s One-Nation conservatism echoed Burke’s emphasis on organic continuity and moral obligation across generations. Where Burke stressed the partnership binding the living, the dead, and the unborn, Disraeli confronted the danger that those bonds might fracture under industrial inequality and class conflict. His response was not ideological transformation but selective, corrective reform—social legislation designed to preserve national unity while leaving the underlying structure of society intact. In this sense, Disraeli embodied Burke’s maxim that preservation requires change, demonstrating how reform could serve continuity rather than revolution. The difference between Burke and Disraeli, then, is not one of principle but of context and execution. Burke theorized conservatism amid revolutionary upheaval; Disraeli practiced it in a democratic, industrial society. Together, they represent a conservative tradition defined less by fixed doctrine than by an enduring commitment to balance—between stability and reform, continuity and adaptation, authority and obligation. Seen in this light, Tanenhaus’s critique comes into sharper focus. In The Death of Conservatism, he argues that modern American conservatism rejected the Burkean–Disraelian ethic of balance in favor of rigid doctrinal politics. By severing conservatism from its historical role as a flexible, integrative governing tradition, the contemporary Right reduced it to ideological rigidity. The result, in Tanenhaus’s account, is not only polarization but the erosion of conservatism’s capacity for statesmanship itself. Ronald N. Langston

Abstract. Note

This essay revisits the conservative tradition of Edmund Burke and Benjamin Disraeli as influenced by Sam Tanenhaus’s critique of modern American conservatism. Burke rejected ideology in favor of prudence, continuity, and restraint. Disraeli, often implicit in Tanenhaus’s account, often served as the bridge between Burkean theory and governance, translating anti-ideological balance into selective reform. The essay argues that conservatism’s embrace of rigid ideology marks the loss of this governing tradition within democratic industrial politics of the modern age.
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